Local Election

This research article aims to describe communities' participation through direct elections, citizen agreement, and the mandate of representatives with actor interaction in the 2018 Papua gubernatorial election. The regional heads who elected democratically manifest the implementation of direct elections mandated by Acts of 1945 with community participation. The participation of communities in gubernatorial elections comes to the polling places and then casts/elects the desired candidate. More than that, communities' participation explains in-depth the form of involvement and typology of community participation in organizing the Papua Gubernatorial Election. Political participation of Papua communities in terms of political participation related to elections (voting/electing). The research was conducted using a qualitative approach with a case study method to explain the Papua communities' awareness at the Papua gubernatorial election. The data was collected using three methods, namely, the documentation study method, interview method, and Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with respondents from the General Elections Commission (KPU), the Regional Government of Papua Province, the Legislative and the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP), traditional figures, religious figures, academics, and Papua communities. Based on the quantitative calculation of communities participating in the gubernatorial election, it reached 88.44% of the total voters of 3,447,008 people who entered the final voter list, meaning that many communities used their voting rights. There were three mechanisms to facilitate community political participation in the Papua gubernatorial election, including direct mechanisms, citizen agreement, and representative mandates. Increasing the quality of political participation of communities in gubernatorial elections begins with regulations governing the legal norms of gubernatorial elections. It needs adjustment to the paradigm, and various experiences of holding Papua gubernatorial elections have been running to date. The standards that must be considered starting from the system, model, mechanism, and form of involvement of gubernatorial election organizers, so that the absolute and actual political participation of the community is formed.

The meaning of "sovereignty is in the hands of people" namely that people have sovereignty, responsibilities, rights, and participatory political obligations to democratically elect a leader who can form a government to take care of and serve all levels of society, as well as electing people's representatives to oversee the running of the government. However, the phenomena that occur are democratic parties, presidential elections, elections, and legislative elections are always colored by systemic money politics. This research using the quantitative method. Primary data were obtained by survey. The writer then describes the public opinion about the Pringsewu District Legislative Council Members' election for the 2019-2024 period on political marketing and money politics. The results showed that 40.37% of voters gave support to legislative candidates for reasons of money.

The reform aims to achieve democracy, prosperity, and justice at the local level. Even though the reform process has been rolling for more than two decades, the goal of reform in realizing local democracy through an ideal regional head election is still far from expectations. This study aims to analyze the causes of the absence of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections and identify the causes. A qualitative approach is used in the literature review method. The result showed that the root of the problem is not creating a synergy between regional autonomy and regional head elections because the application of the decentralization concept in Indonesia is dominated by the administrative decentralization perspective and the lack of actualizing the political perspective decentralization. The definitions of decentralization and regional autonomy in Acts tend to preserve centralization. Besides, regional autonomy's main objective places more emphasis on the administrative objectives of government and regional development rather than the development of local democracy. The lack of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections is the gap between expectations and reality and conflicts at the ideological and technical levels. The gap between expectations and reality can be seen from the hope of realizing the acceleration of the democratization process at the local level, but technically, regional autonomy is characterized by an oligarchy of political parties and transactional politics. There are some suggestions for the Ministry of Home Affairs to revise the policy packages for decentralization and regional autonomy, especially in articles regulating the definition and objectives of regional autonomy, as well as revising Acts of Regional Head Election and Acts of Political Parties, particularly regarding the mechanism for nominating regional heads.

Political pragmatics has become its dynamic in Local Elections. The existence of incumbent power and uneven coalition formation of parties in the election can directly reduce or eliminate the opportunity for other political parties to participate in the election. In addition to these problems, so far, candidates' nomination by political parties turns out to pay more attention to the incumbent electability or popularity of the candidates to be carried by them and without assuming to party ideology. This certainly makes the power imbalance so that candidates from political parties or coalitions of other political parties are reluctant to compete. Political parties hold a coalition to carry out the candidates for various reasons. This research article will explain political parties' pragmatics in forming a coalition and carrying a pair of candidates that gave rise to a single candidate's phenomenon. The research article begins with collecting data through a literature study and is supported by the General Elections Commission's data. To answer this phenomenon, the writer analyzes the documentation as long as the Local Elections is held simultaneously. The concept of political pragmatism is expected to explain these phenomena. This paper concludes that the pragmatic methods used by political parties in determining coalitions and candidates in the Regional Head Election are because the purpose of political parties to participate in the contestation is only a victory to gain power.

Researchers' interest in studying the quality of democracy in Indonesia has been developed since the reform era. Although there was a pessimistic view on Indonesian democracy's achievement, the quality of Indonesian democracy has experienced significant development in a proper political perspective. The dynamics of the first wave of regional head elections in 2015 feature the face of Indonesian democracy nationally. Democratization at the national level is awakened by strengthening democracy at the local level. This paper aims to determine the impact of the Direct Regional Head Election (Pemilihan Langung Kepala Daerah - Pilkada) concurrent in Central Sulawesi to achieve Indonesia's democratic consolidation. This research was conducted by a qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach that explained, described, and analyzed the implementation of the election of Governors and Deputy Governors of Central Sulawesi in 2015 to achieve democratic consolidation. The results showed that simultaneous elections have achieved strengthening democratic consolidation. This condition is seen in several aspects. Namely the development of a free civil society, the development of an open political society; the right rule of law; government effectiveness; and democratic culture development.

The relationship between the Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders often creates conflicts to disharmony. Reduced harmony between the Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders occurs in many regions in Indonesia. This study discusses the factors that Cause Disharmony between the Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders in the Government System and the Ideal Position of Deputy Local Leaders in the Decentralization System. The data collection method used in this study is library research. Literature research collects relevant data and information by books, magazines, articles, journals, writings, and legislation relating to the issues raised in this study. The research and discussion results in this study are the factors that cause disharmony between the Local Leaders and Deputy Local Leaders in the Local Government System are First, Political Maturity. Second, the unequal distribution of power and race to politicians. While the duties of Deputy Local Leaders regulated in Law No. 23 of 2014 concerning Local Government, where most of the first, assisting Regional Heads in Leading the implementation of local government affairs, Secondly, giving advice and consideration to Local Leaders in carrying out Local Government affairs. Third, carry out the Local Leaders’ daily tasks if the Local Leaders serve a period of detention or temporarily unavailable. Fourth, carry out other duties and authorities by statutory regulations.

The momentum of local elections is difficult to separate from primordial politics in the form of local culture in a region. The factors of ethnicity, ethnicity, religion, and cultural practices and rituals have a significant influence on the substance of holding local elections. This article discusses primordial political methods as part of local democracy in traditional Kedde techniques in West Sumba and the Ata (servant)/Maramba (Tuan) culture. A cultural technique has an impact on local elections. The Kedde culture is a space for politicians to gain electoral support. The Ata/Maramba culture threatens political rights and participation due to extreme patron-client relations because it covers all aspects of life, especially local elections of politics. With this reality, local democracy in the regional elections has further reduced the democratic values ​​put forward by David Beetham, namely public control and political equality. This research aims to open the horizons of local democracy in the context of local elections and is expected to contribute to the evaluation of the implementation of local elections. This research shows that aspects of local traditions and culture and the Ata/Maramba tradition are actually used as a means of gaining electoral support, which in reality is contrary to liberal-style democracy. So, it is suggested to change the format of asymmetric local elections based on socio-cultural which can prevent potential violations.

The phenomenon of the "Golput" occurs in each election fluctuation, sometimes up and down, sometimes influenced by various factors. This research uses the literature study method by summarizing some documentation related to Indonesia's phenomenon of abstentions. Factors that cause voters not to give their voting rights are political, ideological, and identity factors. But abstentions can also be influenced by an improperly organized election system. From the results of this study, someone behaves abstentions from the technical aspects due to voters' technical constraints. It prevents them from exercising their right to vote, for example, having other activities at the same time on election day so they cannot come to the voting place. Golput is a person's attachment to voting in the general election process based on psychological factors, sociological factors, and rational voter factors. On the political aspect, abstentions have reasons such as distrust of the party, and candidates do not believe in a better chance. Meanwhile, if viewed from one aspect, identity can see based on religion, education level, age, gender, etc. In terms of faith, a person decides to abstain because party is expected not to be elected as a candidate. For example, Christian tends not to choose a party that carries Islam, such as the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the United Development Party (PPP), and others. In contrast, most nationalist candidates or political parties are considered less representative to accommodate their aspirations. Then abstentions will be the final choice taken.

According to a State Civil Apparatus Commission (KASN) report in 2019, more than 200 State Civil Apparatus (ASN) violated neutrality in the general elections and local elections during the 2015-2018 period. Based on a preliminary study, it found that several violations had occurred because of a dilemma for the State Civil Apparatus (ASN) concerned. State Civil Apparatus (ASN) must be neutral by the law mandate, but they cannot be impartial if they want their career as State Civil Apparatus (ASN) not to be damaged. This study uses a normative legal research method with a literature study research design. This study seeks to examine the effects of bureaucratic politicization and find win-win solutions to the problems experienced by the State Civil Apparatus (ASN). The results of this study emphasize the need to expand the authority of the State Civil Apparatus Commission (KASN) to impose sanctions on violators of neutrality. The implications of this research are the following six practical recommendations: first, the existing rules after the enactment of Law No. 5/2014 must be revised so that Civil Service Officer (PPK) was no longer given position to politicians, but rather the senior State Civil Apparatus (ASN); secondly, election criminal law enforcement does not need to involve the police, and the prosecutor's office (just General Election Supervisory Agency); third, localization of the State Civil Apparatus Commission (KASN) by establishing a State Civil Apparatus Commission (KASN) in the regions to increase the effectiveness of the oversight function of the State Civil Apparatus (ASN); fourth, the length of service for officials is only one term; fifth, the abolition of voting rights for State Civil Apparatus (ASN); sixth, changing the career guideline model of the State Civil Apparatus (ASN) from regional government autonomy to the central government by the rank or class.

The regulations of campaign finance have highly problematic for local electios (Pilkada) in Indonesia. However, the campaign finance system changed gradually over the following years, many alleged campaign violations committed by candidates during local elections. In this study, the researcher wants to assess campaign finance regulations based on the accountability concept. The measurement of accountability in the campaign finance regulations has been divided into two perspectives, which are legal and finance. The study used a qualitative method with a case study approach in Jambi's three regions, which held local elections (Pilkada) in 2018. This study argues that the current regulations have not solved the whole problem of campaign funds. The level of corruption by candidates remains stubbornly high due to less authority and weak sanctions. At the same time, most campaign finance regulations have never been enforced. As a result, revising Acts on the election, enhancing law enforcement, and raising public awareness need to promote for ensuring the quality of local democracy.

The purpose of this study is to find the background of the Direct of Regional Heads Election, their relationship with welfare and asymmetric regional elections. The study conduct with a qualitative descriptive method where the role of researchers is very important. Research continues  conducted until researchers feel enough to answer the research goal. Data obtained in the field and exposed by inductive analysis through planned stages. To support data retrieval research; participatory observation, looking for key informants, in-depth interviews, discussions and literature. Direct Election by people gives the role of the local community to choose leaders, check and balance the Government and as a form of direct accountability. Elections related to political and economic access, with that access there is a connection between the elections, people's sovereignty for welfare. Recommendation;  Regional Head Election needs  adapted to the characteristics of diverse communities and online society development. National-local Election Commission needs to think and do in new ways especially in the COVID 19 era to use Electronic Election (E-Voting). E-Voting is in line with the Internet-based Society and Technology development. Asymmetrical regional head elections need to answer that challenges.

Local elections (Pilkada) still face problems, both technical and substantive. Efforts to improve have been made several times by revising the law regulating local elections (Pilkada). In the simultaneous local elections in 2020, money politics arose again. The issue of cukong democracy practices depicted capital owners' power to finance local leaders candidates to contest local elections (Pilkada). This study explores and structures the problems underlying money politics in local elections (Pilkada), which formulate alternative solutions based on logical reasoning. The exploration and formulation of issues and the preparation of alternative solutions are carried out using strong arguments to ensure the conclusions' plausibility. The practice of money politics can occur in two main areas, namely in ​​the nomination process in the form of political dowries paid by candidates to political parties. In the campaign area, the condition of buying and selling votes carried out by candidates with voters. The practice of political dowry occurs due to the limited alternatives that a person can use to run for regional head elections. The nomination mechanism is much more difficult and costly through individual channels, so paying political dowries to political parties is the easiest and more specific option. The practice of money politics occurs because of voters' mental attitudes who are not rational, and the system of sanctions still supports the way of buying and selling votes. Alternative solutions to money politics in these two areas are compiled by doing a simulative analysis that can eliminate the practice's root causes. Decreasing the threshold for candidate submission by political parties, adopting the maximum point for political party support, reducing the number of voter support requirements for individual candidates, eliminating political dowries in local leader nominations, and simultaneously reducing costs for individual candidates. Adopting criminal sanctions for givers in the practice of buying and selling votes is an alternative solution in preventing the way of buying and selling votes in local elections (Pilkada).

Since the reformation era in 1998 through amendments to the 1945 Constitution, which began in 1999 to 2002, it has impacted Indonesia's state administration system's structure. The direct election system's opening in the election of the President and Vice President and the legislature to the local leections (Pilkada). Local elections (Pilkada) candidates are a package for local leaders, which fascinating to examine. In Article 18, paragraph (4) to the 1945 Constitution does not mention the Deputy local leaders, thus causing problems. When the Deputy local leaders authority is limited by the constitution, which has an impact on conflicts of authority between the local leaders and Deputy local leaders, which results in disrupted government services. This study aims to provide a solution to this phenomenon so that it finds two options, namely, first to retain the position of Deputy local leaders in the local elections with the complaint mechanism method and precise judgment of taxation, and secondly to be consistent with the state constitution, the local elections (Pilkada) is held without a Deputy local leaders candidate with his position replaced. by the local secretary.

The local elections (Pilkada) had been implemented since 2005 in Papua, are deemed incapable of resolving problems. On the other hand, the direct local elections' political costs are not small, both from the state's budget and from the candidates to the regions. Implementing direct local elections sometimes creates ineffective governance, especially in areas that do not yet have a mature democracy. The ongoing local democratic system is also often colored by conflict. This research focuses on the urgency of the asymmetric regional election in Papua. This research will explain how important asymmetric local elections (Pilkada) is applied in Papua. Moreover, this study uses a library method and a qualitative approach. The results of this study found several reasons for direct local elections, not yet satisfactory results. Democratization in Papua is still not well consolidated. This research concludes that the warning to hold asymmetric local elections in Papua needs to be considered. However, these choices are not final—contemporary decisions in preparing communities' political and social structures.

The advancement of digital technology forces humans to make adjustments in all aspects of life, likewise, with the local elections' holding (Pilkada). However, the conditions for each region in the Indonesian archipelago have different problems. Availability of telecommunication facilities, local elections (Pilkada) organizers, level of difficulty in Frontier, Outermost, and Disadvantaged Region (3T), community digital literacy level, and accuracy of results. Have the local elections (Pilkada) been digitalized? How far has it been achieved? What challenges are faced, and what are the solutions? Several studies on e-voting, even the local elections (Pilkada) digitization, have been carried out. This study is novel because it looks at the 2020 local elections (Pilkada) implementation from digitalization that was carried out in line with the COVID-19 pandemic. Due to data limitations and availability, this study only focuses on implementing local elections (Pilkada) in nine provinces. This study uses a qualitative method based on a literature review with a systematic review method. The study aims to reveal the achievements and challenges of digitalization in the implementation of local elections (Pilkada) along with policy solutions so that digitalization is more completed. Through analysis, it was found that the organizers of the local elections (Pilkada) have made efforts to realize digitalization. Various Subscriber Identity Modules (SIM) and applications have been created by the General Election Commission (KPU), the General Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu), and the General Election Organizer Honorary Council (DKPP). It is hoped that digitalization will further increase the effectiveness, efficiency, and quality of service. Besides, the data shows that there are obstacles in the field, especially the availability of telecommunication infrastructure, which is very diverse in the nine provinces. Fundamentally, it is necessary to formulate regulations/policies that synergize the implementation of local elections (Pilkada) through the adoption of digital technology based on the internet of things (IoT), big data analysis, and artificial intelligence (AI). The local elections (Pilkada) digitization brings several benefits - more transparent, accountable, credible, practical, and economical. On the other hand, the community feels more of its services because the digital local elections (Pilkada) procession educates the public to elect local leaders with integrity.